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- <text id=90TT3003>
- <title>
- Nov. 12, 1990: The Presidency
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Nov. 12, 1990 Ready For War
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NATION, Page 31
- THE PRESIDENCY
- The Lessons of History
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>By Hugh Sidey
- </p>
- <p> It was only a wisp of information that slipped through the
- rings of security that girdle the secret enclaves of the Joint
- Chiefs of Staff. But once loose, it ravaged the beltway's old
- establishment.
- </p>
- <p> It was that a war to oust Saddam Hussein from Kuwait, to
- invade, contain and ultimately neutralize Iraq as a military
- threat, would take 1 million American troops. To anyone familiar
- with the war planners' imperative to be ready for any
- contingency, the figure is not startling. The White House has
- been told of the Pentagon's estimates; the figures reflect the
- fear generated by the U.S. failure in Vietnam that without
- massive battlefield superiority at specified points, the U.S.
- could easily get bogged down in the Persian Gulf.
- </p>
- <p> What that whispered piece of information showed was that the
- U.S. has no other plans for extricating itself from the shifting
- sands of a determined and enduring Iraqi aggression. The brutish
- truths of a million-man conflict are stunning, beyond anything
- this nation has contemplated doing to free Kuwait and probably
- beyond anything it would support. There is an alternative, of
- course: a war ill-conceived and hastily launched, which could
- be lost because of a lack of preparation, with all the
- humiliation and internal devastation that would come from such
- a defeat.
- </p>
- <p> George Bush is right--at least in part--to be angry at
- critics who suggest he is skirting the brink of war to pump up
- his political standing and divert attention from the nation's
- economic angst. The real danger is far more subtle and menacing.
- It lies in the environment of the presidency itself. In the
- splendid isolation of the White House, the best and the
- brightest in crisp uniforms and Brooks Brothers pinstripes can,
- with purpose and convincing logic, expound the virtues of force
- to fill the voids of doubt that come with such crises. That
- happened to Lyndon Johnson in Vietnam. It made so much sense to
- him.
- </p>
- <p> No wonder the aging cold warriors around Washington were
- dismayed last week. "At the start of this, we said we were not
- going to gradually escalate our presence the way we did in
- Vietnam," said former Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger.
- "Now, 90 days later, we are asking ourselves whether we should
- add another 100,000 to our forces in Saudi Arabia. The
- circumstances of military logistics force on you the very
- escalation you renounce." When that possibility seeped out of
- the Pentagon, L.B.J.'s pledge against "mindless escalation"
- came back to haunt the broad avenues of the capital. "Let's make
- sure that there really is a light at the end of any tunnel
- before we get into it," said another of Johnson's confidants
- from that era.
- </p>
- <p> The Iraqi crisis came too suddenly for the U.S. to do
- anything but ride to the defense of the oilfields. But once
- poised for battle, armies make war so easy to start--and
- sometimes so gratifying, as in Panama.
- </p>
- <p> Neither Bush nor any of his governing brotherhood--Baker,
- Cheney, Powell, Scowcroft, Sununu--were at the Tuesday
- luncheons in the 1960s when a swaggering Johnson thumped a map
- with his forefinger and unleashed massive American power--only
- to fail. Many of the current members of Congress were in grade
- school when the Vietnam commitment climbed to 540,000 troops.
- Some of the television reporters now graphically describing the
- Iraqi commitment on the nightly news were not even born back
- then. This is a time to let history speak and then to listen to
- its warnings.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-